Economic Coping Mechanisms of Iraqi Female-Headed Households in Jordan

Aug 1, 2011 by lkingston54    No Comments    Posted under: Volume I, Issue 1

By Sophia Moradian, Boston College

As a host country for displaced Iraqis since the 1991 Gulf War, Jordan has received waves of Iraqi forced migrants for the past twenty years, with the greatest influx of displaced Iraqis arriving after the 2003 Iraq war. In Jordan, Iraqi female household heads are among the poorest within the Iraqi population and are categorized as vulnerable peoples by the IOM and UNHCR. This study aims to look at the informal ways in which Iraqi female household heads are coping economically within Jordan. The researcher concludes that remittances, travel stipends, and volunteer positions are the main ways in which female household heads in Jordan generate informal income. Continued international support, channeled through funding for UNHCR and NGOs in Jordan, which supports self-reliance strategies among Iraqi women, is strongly recommended.

Acronyms & Abbreviations

• CBO – Community Based Organization
• FHH – Female Headed Household
• IDP – Internally Displaced Person
• IOM – International Organization for Migration
• IRD – International Relief & Development
• JD – Jordanian Dollar[1]
• MENA – Middle East and North Africa
• NFI – Non Food Item
• NGO – Non Governmental Organization
• UN – United Nations
• UNHCR – United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
• UNOCHA – United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs
• WFWP – Women’s Federation for World Peace
• WRC – Women’s Refugee Commission

“As a woman I have no country. As a woman my country is the whole world” (Woolf, 1938, p. 129)

Economic Coping Mechanisms of Iraqi Female-Headed Households in Jordan

Introduction

As a woman whose ancestors have been displaced by war and geopolitical conflict, I have always had a concern for vulnerable and at-risk peoples. Having been awarded summer research grants from my university, I was able to spend six months in Jordan and take an internship with CARE International in Amman; my goal was to expand my knowledge on forced migration and rights for those who are at greatest risk. Through my work with CARE, I became particularly interested in the situation of Iraqi refugees in Jordan. While the situation of displaced Iraqis in Jordan is extremely challenging, the position of Jordan as a host country must also be taken into consideration; it has been a host country for refugees since the creation of the state of Israel in 1948. Notably, Jordan is not a signatory of the 1951 Geneva Convention on Refugees; thus it lacks laws for refugees or those seeking asylum in Jordan (Guglielmo, Bartoloni, & Nuri, 2008). The Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan has a unique role in the region, having the highest ratio of refugees to population: One quarter of all Jordanian residents are considered refugees (Odeh, 2007). As expressed by Hanin Odeh (2007), “Jordan has adopted ‘semi protectionist’ policies toward Iraqi forced migrants, i.e., letting them in, but depriving them of livelihood means to become settled” (Odeh, 2007, p. 29). A paradox exists in Jordan: It is considered one of the most politically stable and safest countries in the Middle East; however, it is one of the most resource-poor countries in the region and in the world.

The current war in Iraq is not a completely new phenomenon for Iraqis. Within the context of war and political unrest in Iraq, both men and women have suffered in unique ways. The focus of this paper, however, is on Iraqi women in Jordan; therefore, the situation and history of Iraq is presented through the experiences of Iraqi women. Over the past three decades of conflict, women have endured losing husbands, sons, brothers, and other male family members. These losses, coupled with slowly being denied equal rights by Iraq’s previous socialist regime, have made them vulnerable as displaced persons, both inside and outside Iraq. Under current circumstances, they have lost even more social freedom and mobility; both those in Iraq and those who have fled to neighboring countries such as Jordan face both social barriers to working in the informal economy, and for female-headed households (FHHs), the stigma of living “alone” (without a male figure present). Women have played an important role in shaping the politics and direction of their country in the past, and Iraqi women, both internally displaced persons (IDPs) and those living abroad, must take on this role again in rebuilding their country.

According to recent statistics released in July 2010 by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), there are currently 30,700 Iraqis residing in Jordan (UNHCR, 2010). Iraqis in Jordan are not considered refugees, but rather temporary “guests” (Odeh, 2007, p. 32). Most significantly, Iraqis are not legally allowed to work in Jordan, depriving them of a source of income and livelihood. Aside from wealthy businessmen who have the financial means to keep JD 50,000 in the bank, the overwhelming majority of Iraqis living in Jordan are not legally allowed to work. It is widely known, however, that Iraqis engage in informal work in Jordan to provide an income for their families. While traditionally, in Iraqi families, the household head is male, it is estimated that among the 30,700 active Iraqis registered with UNHCR in Jordan today (Odeh, 2007),  20% of Iraqi households are female-headed. These FHHs typically comprise the poorest sector of the population (Guglielmo, et al., 2008). From my experience in working with Iraqi refugees in Jordan this summer, married women had little knowledge of or involvement in managing the finances of their household. It therefore becomes very difficult for Iraqi women, who must assume the traditional role of “father,” providing a source of income for the family, to also fulfill the traditional role of mother and caretaker of the house. Many Iraqi women in Jordan had not previously taken on the role of household head before immigrating to Jordan. This situation often results in both men and women being exploited by their employers, as they are not officially “employed” and therefore cannot seek justice with higher authorities. This study will highlight the mechanisms by which Iraqi FHHs are coping economically in Jordan in order to provide recommendations on how to better serve the most vulnerable group of displaced persons in Jordan.

As a result of the oil boom in the 1970s, Iraq’s growing economy demanded a large labor force. Instead of importing foreign labor, women’s participation in the work force was encouraged as an economic policy to spur economic development of the country. Despite Saddam Hussein’s oppressive regime, after his coming to power in 1979, urban women experienced more social freedom and opportunities for education. Women were “perceived to play a crucial role in the development and modernization of the country” (Al Ali,2007, p. 127). As Al Ali (2007)asserts, “Iraqi women became among the most educated and professional in the whole region” (p. 138). However, when political and economic conditions changed during the Iran-Iraq War and after the 1991 Gulf War, the state changed its discourse and rhetoric regarding women and their role in society. After the 1991 Gulf War and the era of sanctions in the 1990s, economic conditions declined and the Iraqi regime urged women to return to their homes to care for their families in order to allow men to be the “breadwinners” of the family (Al Ali, 2007). With Iraqi FHHs being socially discouraged from working in the formal economy in Iraq, and not being allowed to work in Jordan, Iraqi FHHs today are faced with the difficult situation of providing financial support for their families, both at home and in Jordan.

Methodology

Data for this study was collected from primary and secondary sources. Primary research involved seven informal interviews with Iraqi women who are household heads in Jordan, as well as seven formal interviews with representatives from local NGOs, such as caseworkers and program managers. This primary research was supplemented by books on the history of Iraqi women, both in Iraq and as refugees, as well as reports on Iraqi refugees in Jordan. Iraqi FHHs were chosen based on their previous or current affiliation with the Women’s Federation for World Peace (WFWP). Contacts at local community-based organizations (CBOs) were established in part by the researcher’s affiliations with CARE Jordan’s program. Furthermore, only women who are heads of their households in Jordan were interviewed for this study; this included women who are divorced, widowed, or who have husbands living abroad. Iraqi women interviewed had varying family sizes,2 various education levels, and varying amounts of time spent in Jordan. Women were between the ages of 20 and 60, and thus had varying experiences growing up in Iraq.3 All interviews with Iraqi FHHs were conducted with two male WFWP volunteers present, who acted as translators. While Iraqi women interviewed resided in and around Amman, program coordinators lived in both Irbid and Zarqa—cities in Jordan that contain large concentrations of Iraqi refugees. Therefore, while the researcher did not have direct contact with Iraqi FHHs in cities outside of Amman, data was collected from secondary sources regarding Iraqi women in Irbid and Zarqa.

The informal interviews conducted with Iraqi women consisted of a core set of questions asked of each participant. The order in which the questions were asked varied, as did the depth to which each question was answered. These discussions lasted no more than half an hour. Before their interviews, all participants were given a summary of the research study and were informed of their rights as participants of this study, as well as their right not to participate. Some non-Iraqi interviewees gave permission to the researcher to use their names in the researcher’s final report; thus, some interviewee’s names are preserved. Translators acted as witnesses for those who gave verbal consent.

Findings

In total, 14 individuals were interviewed: seven were Iraqi FHHs, and the remaining seven were individuals who have experience working with Iraqis in Jordan, and oftentimes in the greater Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region. All Iraqi FHHs interviewed had arrived in Jordan after 2006, aside from one family that had arrived in 2000. The researcher held informal interviews with Iraqi women within Amman; specifically, in the areas of Hashmi Al Shemali, Wast Al Balad, and Sweileh. Non-Iraqis, namely case workers and program coordinators at local NGOs, were interviewed in Amman, Zarqa, and Irbid, and were asked a series of questions relating to their experience working with Iraqis and how they perceive Iraqi FHHs to generate income. The researcher has compiled the data collected from Iraqis and non-Iraqis to develop a general representation of how Iraqi FHHs are coping economically in Jordan.

All Iraqis interviewed were receiving aid from UNHCR; thus, UNHCR cash assistance has been excluded from the ways in which Iraqi women are generating income. Recipients of UNHCR monthly cash assistance receive debit cards, to which their monthly stipend is deposited.4 This amount varies depending on the number of individuals in the family. A single man or woman receives JD 75/month, two individuals receive JD110/month, a family of three receives JD195/ month, and a family of four receives JD210/month (Women’s Refugee Commission, 2009).  Iraqi women reported that this stipend is usually enough for rent, utilities, and some food. However, it is not enough for other living expenses such as phones, clothes, health care, and education costs. Local organizations such as Khawla Bint Al Azwar and CARE provide noncash assistance, such as clothes, food, and home goods to families who demonstrate need; provision of noncash assistance effectively decreases a family’s expenditures. CARE International provides one-time emergency cash assistance to new arrivals who demonstrate need in the range of JD200 to 300. Aside from these sources of cash and noncash assistance, the researcher concluded that there are five main ways in which Iraqi FHHs are coping in Jordan: remittances, volunteer positions, travel stipends, self-employment, and informal work.

Remittances

All Iraqi FHHs interviewed had extended family in Iraq, the United States, and in one case, Sweden; four out of seven interviewees stated they were receiving funds from mothers, sisters, or sons in the United States and in Iraq. Three out of these four families had two or more children attending school; they reported that most of the funds received by family abroad were allocated to the children’s education (Rheema, et al., personal interview, 2010). The researcher observed, however, that for all but one of the households receiving transfers from abroad, their living situation seemed fairly stable, and their lives generally more comfortable than that of other FHHs interviewed. Therefore, the researcher gathered that remittances are seen as a supplement to UNHCR cash assistance received each month. Results from interviews did not indicate a clear consensus of the effect of remittances, except that they were not as common as other economic mechanisms described below.

Volunteer Positions through Local NGOs

Although Iraqis in Jordan are not allowed to work in the formal economy, many NGOs have begun to allocate funding for volunteers. These assistants, usually women, take on these volunteer positions for two to three months and are provided a monthly stipend, for transportation and their time, of between JD100 to 200. Representatives interviewed from a CBO in Zarqa, Jordan explained that some women take two of these positions at once, and thus generate twice the amount for their work (Aya & Zeinab, personal interview, November 23, 2010). In these positions, women work as translators, program coordinators, and often help facilitate programs within the local Iraqi community as well as the host community. Some of these organizations have volunteers work with local NGOs as teachers, and help with correspondence between the NGOs and partnering CBOs. However, because of decreased funding for UNHCR and for local NGOs, it is estimated that the number of these volunteer positions may decrease from the annual budget; thus, less volunteers will be hired (Hiba, personal interview, November 25, 2010). Also, because these NGOs seek to provide this opportunity to many different individuals, volunteers are usually not hired for more than two or three months. These positions, then, do not provide long-term solutions for generating an adequate source of income; rather, they are a way for volunteers to generate a small amount of supplemental income for a limited amount of time. It must be noted that for FHHs who have children, taking on these volunteer positions, which often involve working in an office or traveling within or outside Amman, is extremely difficult, as they must take care of their children. From Iraqi FHHs interviewed, the only woman who had taken on a volunteer position at a local NGO was living by herself.

Program assistants of local CBOs mentioned similar insights into the twofold benefits of these positions. First, volunteers have the opportunity to leave their homes and socialize with other women and members of the community (Hiba, personal interview, November 25, 2010). Second, generating a source of income, while a modest amount, gives the beneficiary a sense of self-importance and allows her to be a productive member of the local community. Four of the seven FHHs interviewed held at least a Bachelor’s degree. Iraqi women who take on these positions are, more often than not, overqualified for the work they are performing, as many were former professors, accountants, or worked in administrative positions (Hiba, personal interview, November 25, 2010). By taking on these positions, women can attain a sense of normalcy by feeling productive in society. These volunteer positions benefit both the Iraqi woman volunteer and the local Iraqi community: they allow Iraqi volunteers to directly work with fellow Iraqis in the local community, while receiving a small stipend for their time.

Travel Stipends

Vocational training and skills courses for women have become increasingly prevalent among NGOs and CBOs as a way to provide useful programs for Iraqi women in Jordan. All but two Iraqi FHHs interviewed reported having attended such training courses, as well as attending psychosocial counseling sessions. Iraqi FHHs interviewed reported receiving travel stipends of JD2 to 3 per participant. Such services are provided at no cost to participants, and each individual enrolled in programs receives a travel stipend of JD2 to 3. While these courses provide valuable services and skills to participants, there is speculation as to whether individuals participate to benefit from the services provided from the course itself, or to simply profit from the travel stipend. It is difficult to ascertain the true motives for attending these courses. A WFWP representative stated that UNHCR and some CBOs almost consider these travel stipends as an indirect form of distributing cash assistance to Iraqis (Irikora, personal interview, November 9, 2010). A program coordinator in Irbid explained that for recent social activity sponsored by her organization, participants received a travel stipend of JD3; however, a bus was also hired to pickup and drop off participants in their neighborhoods. Thus, the whole amount provided as a ‘travel stipend’ became simply a stipend for attending the activity (Hiba, personal interview, November 25, 2010). In other situations, women share taxis or use public transportation in order to save on travel costs. Therefore, travel stipends, whether enabling Iraqi FHHs to attend potentially beneficial courses, or allowing these women to profit from the amount remaining from the actual travel cost, are seen as an extra form of income.

Self-Employment

Small businesses, solely headed by women entrepreneurs, were also reported to be sources of income for Iraqi FHHs. Because these businesses are home-based, FHHs can simultaneously run this business while taking care of dependents and daily household work. Usually, FHHs attend vocational training courses, which provide basic skills training or business entrepreneurship training. Upon completion of such skills training courses, women receive a package that helps them to begin their own business ventures.

Some non-Iraqis interviewed also cited microcredit programs as being ways in which Iraqi FHHs generate income. UNHCR, through UNICEF in Jordan, has sought to expand opportunities for Iraqi women and women in local communities by instituting microfinance programs (Irikora, personal interview, November 9, 2010). CBOs in Jordan such as WFWP and Khawla Bint al Azwar, East Amman Charitable Association, and Al Amal have implemented similar microfinance programs. A WFWP representative explained that while the theory of microfinance for FHHs is an excellent one, microfinance and small business entrepreneurship among Iraqi women have not been successful (Irikora, personal interview, November 9, 2010). Irikora described her experience with Iraqi FHHs and small business entrepreneurship as: “Iraqi women don’t have a stable mind here, as they see their situation as temporary. Their mind is not in Jordan.” Irikora’s insight that many women do not see Jordan as their home, but rather as a point of transit to a third country, was also observed by the researcher in her fieldwork. All but one Iraqi FHH interviewed intended to immigrate to the United States in the future. No Iraqi FHH interviewed in this study had her own business or was currently attending training courses for business entrepreneurship. While enthusiastic about the potential of these programs for improving the FHH’s livelihood, a program coordinator from a CBO in Irbid emphasized that when these businesses are profitable, the income generated is not enough, on its own, to sustain a FHH, especially a household with children. Therefore, like remittances and travel stipends, profits from small businesses are seen as a supplement to monthly cash assistance from UNHCR.

Representatives from Khawla Bint Al Azwar, whose organization funds a variety of different training courses for both Iraqi women and for women from the local community in Zarqa, explained the difficulties with funding business entrepreneurship courses and the base costs for the businesses. Their experience with interest in business entrepreneurship courses among Iraqi participants was highly positive, but they only had funding for beginning level courses. They have not received sponsorship or funding to expand these courses, and more significantly do not have the funds to provide start- up costs for their micro-businesses. To take out loans in Jordan requires collateral as well as a co-signer, who, by law must be Jordanian. Iraqis, especially FHHs, lack both collateral and Jordanian co-signers (Aya & Zeinab, et al., personal interviews, 2010). Iraqis are seen as having an “unstable status” in Jordan, as they may travel out of the country and are not bound by Jordanian law; they are, therefore, not seen as reliable debtors (Aya & Zeinab, et al., personal interviews, 2010). Therefore, in the cases where Iraqi FHHs are interested in starting their own businesses, lack of funding is often an impediment to achieving semi-self-reliance.

Informal Work

Because the large majority of Iraqis do not have work permits in Jordan, they are not able to work in the formal sector and be legally employed in Jordan. Thus, along with having a self-owned small business, some Iraqi FHHs are forced to work illegally in Jordan. There was an overall consensus, though, that women feel safer participating in informal work than do men (Hiba, et al., personal interviews, 2010). Iraqi men typically experience more trouble with the police, as Jordanian police are hesitant to harass women (Nadia, et al., personal interviews, 2010). Also, especially for household work, it is easier for a woman, than for a man, to enter another family’s home.  Working as household cleaners or as seamstresses was the most common type of informal work reported to the researcher by non-Iraqi interviewees.

There are two main problems arising from Iraqi FHHs engaging in the informal economy: they are paid less than their Jordanian counterparts, or are not paid at all. On average, a social worker at an NGO in Amman reported that if paid for her work, an Iraqi woman receives between one half and three quarters of what another woman, working legally in Jordan, would make in her place (Leila, personal interview, November 25, 2010). This work is illegal under Jordanian law and women do not seek legal action for these instances of exploitation because of their position as irregular migrants, working illegally.5 For Iraqi FHHs who are faced with no other options to generate income for themselves and their families, they resort to more desperate means of survival. These may include selling gold from their former marriages for cash, working as street vendors, or sending their children to work (Irikora, et al., personal interviews, 2010). While the researcher did not encounter any FHHs who reported engaging in these activities, caseworkers reported instances of Iraqi women engaging in such activities (Irikora, et al., personal interviews, 2010).

Conclusion

In light of current difficult situations for Iraqi FHHs in Jordan, economic security is of prime importance. While Iraqi women in Jordan use a variety of means by which to ensure financial security for day-to-day necessities, vulnerable Iraqis, namely FHHs in Jordan have a high dependence on UNHCR cash assistance as well as foreign aid. Foreign aid is allocated to local NGOs and CBOs, who facilitate programs for Iraqi and non-Iraqi beneficiaries in the community. Iraqi FHHs benefit from the skills acquired through these programs and extra cash from travel stipends. These courses are seen as an opportunity to socialize with other Iraqis, and bridge gaps between the Iraqi community and the local community. Effectively, many Iraqi FHHs’ livelihoods in Jordan are highly dependent on foreign aid, both in the form of funding for volunteer positions and for travel; UNHCR funding has begun to decline since 2009 (Khuzaie, 2010).

This dependence on foreign aid, for both the Jordanian government and the Iraqi population in Jordan, is not a long-term solution for assisting displaced Iraqis in Jordan. Especially for vulnerable groups within Jordan’s Iraqi population, such as FHHs, encouraging methods of economic self-reliance will be crucial in the near future. International aid, through cash and material assistance, allows families to meet basic needs; this aid, however, is not everlasting, and funding for UNHCR and NGOs has begun to decline over the past few years. Furthermore, advocating for additional funding in the form of “aid” or “cash assistance” is not a permanent solution for improving the lives of Iraqi FHHs, or Iraqis in Jordan as a whole. More funding should be allocated towards “guided assistance” in order to encourage self-reliance among Iraqis in Jordan (Leila, personal interview, November 25, 2010). This presents a challenge, as Iraqis cannot work in Jordan. While previous studies on the situation of Iraqis in Jordan have concluded that the most sustainable way to improve the livelihoods of displaced Iraqis in Jordan is for the government to grant them work permits, scholars today agree the chance of the Jordanian government allowing Iraqis to work in Jordan is slim. Thus, future research on mechanisms whereby international funding is allocated to programs supporting economic sustainability is strongly encouraged. Such programs, channeled through NGO programs on the ground, will elucidate new ways by which to encourage financial self-reliance for Iraqis remaining in Jordan, thereby reducing poverty among Iraqi refugees in Jordan.

References

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2 Mean number of individuals in FHHs interviewed was 2.3.

3 All Iraqi women interviewed were from Baghdad.

4 Debit cards are distributed to Iraqi families, rather than them being required to collect actual cash assistance from UNHCR Jordan each month.

5 While Jordanian law allows both legal and illegal workers to seek legal recourse for exploitation in the workplace, Iraqi women feel that their working illegally prevents them from taking legal recourse when exploited for their working in the informal sector.